Joy Luck Club Themes - 1270 Words

Many themes within The Joy Luck Club can be related to current events. The theme of â€Å"Sacrificing/Suffering† which is an important theme in the book also relates to what is happening in Venezuela. The Fox News article named Venezuela’s currency now worth less than ‘World of Warcraft’ gold states that according to DolarToday, an American website dedicated to Latin American finance, the Venezuelan currency called the Venezuelan Bolà ­var is now worth less than the currency in â€Å"World of Warcraft† (Gold Pieces) which is a video game: one dollar being worth 10,987 Venezuelan Bolà ­vars, or worth 7,288 Gold Pieces as the black market rate. This is a circumstance similar to one in the beginning of The Joy Luck Club where Suyuan Woo says that in China†¦show more content†¦Even the rich don’t escape the poverty and suffering; in The Joy Luck Club, one of the original members of the Joy Luck Club was formerly a rich woman who lost he r money when escaping from Shanghai during the Japanese invasion and in the article, similar to how the women and organizers who participated in Venezuelan beauty pageants, who are undoubtedly wealthy, admit to be struggling economically due to â€Å"lack of sponsors, small audience and cutback in spending† and having difficulty in â€Å"finding make-up, ball gowns and other accessories for the pageant.† I contrast to The Joy Luck Club and the article because I do not live in these circumstances. My money is not worthless, if I want food I can get food, if I want to turn on the lights I can do that too; if for some reason I wanted make-up or ball gowns, I could also get that! I was not relocated because of war and I am not living in poverty because of a war or because of economic crisis, overall I am not suffering like the people in The Joy Luck Club. I live in a much safer stable region and not in poverty, but my mother is from Venezuela and she tells us about the shortages relatives and friends have on food, medicine, and toilet paper. Even here, in this area there are people living in poverty, who have trouble buying food, paying the rent and utilities, getting clothes, and finding a job. Word Count: 614 Another example that proves that current events still are similar to the events with the book The Joy Luck Club,Show MoreRelated A Comparison of Themes of Amy Tans Kitchen Gods Wife and Joy Luck Club581 Words   |  3 PagesSimilar Themes in  of Kitchen Gods Wife and Joy Luck Club       Amy Tans two novels, The Kitchen Gods Wife and The Joy Luck Club, represent a unique voice that is rarely heard in literature. Tan is a Chinese-American woman who tells stories of old China that are rich in history and culture. Both novels have at least one strong central female character who is trying to inform her daughter about their Chinese heritage and familial roots.    The plot ofThe Joy Luck Club displays this ideaRead More Comparing the Theme of Abandonment in Amy Tans The Joy Luck Club and Kitchen Gods Wife737 Words   |  3 PagesTheme of Abandonment in Kitchen Gods Wife and Joy Luck Club      Ã‚   One of the themes included in both The Kitchen Gods Wife and The Joy Luck Club is that of abandonment. In The Kitchen Gods Wife, the character of Winnie Louie is abandoned by her mother when she was a young child. In The Joy Luck Club, Suyuan Woo has to abandon her twin daughters on the road as she is escaping war-torn China.    In The Joy Luck Club, Suyuan Woo is forced to abandon her twin daughters at the side of theRead MoreTheme Of Sexism In The Joy Luck Club779 Words   |  4 Pages In her 1989 novel, The Joy Luck Club, Amy Tan hones into the narratives of four Chinese American immigrant families living in San Francisco. The novel is structured into four distinct, anecdotal sections: two dedicated to mothers and two dedicated to daughters. Tan’s approach to structure allows the interlocking stories between mother and daughter to place emphasis on the issue of sexism. The purpose of Tan’s novel is to highlight that, even though American and Chinese societies drastically differRead MoreThe Theme Of Immigration In The Joy Luck Club1665 Words   |  7 PagesOne of the strongest themes in â€Å"The Joy Luck Club† is the theme of immigration. Immigration is important in the book as well as in today’s world. I found an article detailing the experience of a family of immigrants from the Soviet Union called â€Å"My Immigrant Experience† which reminded me of a story from â€Å"The Joy Luck Club† called â€Å"Double Face.† The article is written by the son of a family from the Soviet Union who moved to the United States looking for freedom and opportunity. When they gotRead MoreTheme Of Immigration In The Joy Luck Club862 Words   |  4 PagesAn important theme recognized throughout the entire novel of The Joy Luck Club by Amy Tan would be immigration. Immigration is basically the foundation of the story and a news article that I found, Trump proposal a good start on immigration by Alice Stewart on CNN, published on August 5th, 2017. The article explains President Trump, along with Senator Tom Cotton and David Perdue, have planned out a method to curb legal immigration. Specifically, their plan is called the Reforming American ImmigrationRead MoreTheme Of Love In The Joy Luck Club1029 Words   |  5 Pagesthe world. It knows no law, no pity, it dares all things, and crushes down remorselessly all that stands in its path.† This quote relates perfectly to The Joy Luck Club, which skillfully explores the relationships of different mother, daughter pairs, illuminating the different ways love affects these relations. Throughout the novel The Joy Luck Club, Amy Tan displays how different forms of love in the stories not only show how mothers love their daughters, and vise versa, but also display how the loveRead MoreJoy Luck Club Themes Essay1046 Words   |  5 Pages One of the heaviest themes used in the novel, â€Å"The Joy Luck Club†, is immigration. Immigration is mainly mentioned during the times of the four mothers. Each mother had come from china because the Japanese were causing damage and destruction across China. This is very like the article named, â€Å"U.S. Appetite for Mexico’s Drugs Fuels Illegal Immigration.†, about immigrants coming from Mexico into the U.S., due to all the drug trafficking because of the cartel in Mexico and the multiple border statesRead MoreTheme Of The Mother And Daughter Relationship In The Joy Luck Club1179 Words   |  5 PagesThroughout The Joy Luck Club, one major theme that kept appearing was a mother-daughter relationship. The relationship between every daughter and their mother was different, but all of the joy luck club members wanted their daughter to succeed. Each mother cared for their daughter exceptionally so and even portrayed wanting their daughter to have it much better than they ever did. For example, Lindo Jong and her daughter, Waverly Jong, had an interesting relationship. Lindo always wanted WaverlyRead MoreThe, The Glass Castle By Jeannette Walls, And Flight By Sherman Alexie1466 Words   |  6 Pageseveryone is seeing the same landscape. A prevalent the me in The Joy Luck Club by Amy Tan, The Glass Castle by Jeannette Walls, and Flight by Sherman Alexie is the potency and prevalence of diversity on the American dream. In each of these compelling works, connoisseurs get a taste of life from different demographics’ viewpoints and a measure of what it means to be yearning for the diverse definition of American ideals. To begin with, The Joy Luck Club centers its content around the lives of eight womenRead MorePlunging The Joy Luck Club by Amt Tan Essay1131 Words   |  5 PagesThe Joy Luck Club (1985) was written by Amy Tan (1952). The Joy Luck Club is the story of a Chinese mother who leaves everything behind, a mother who leaves her family in China in order to get her children (in this case our protagonist June) a better life. Or as Amy Tan says: â€Å"The Joy Luck Club, about a woman whose mother has just died and who regrets that she never knew who she truly was. The stories poured out. They were what I felt and had to say before it was too late. I had found my reason to

Position of Aborigines for Conventions -myassignmenthelp.com

Question: Discuss the position of aborigines and natives under the Malaysian Laws and the International Conventions. Answer: Abstract: In the present research paper an attempt has been made to discuss the position of the aborigines under the Malaysian law and also under the International Conventions that are relevant in this regard. In the present era of globalization and modernization, the indigenous people have to suffer a lot throughout the globe as they are being pushed out of their ancestral lands to make way for development activities. In case of Malaysia also, the Orang Asli or the aboriginal people are politically marginalized and they're not in a position adequately protect their legal rights. The result was that these people were considered as tenants on their own ancestral land. The legal recognition of the rights of the aboriginal people took place in the form of Aboriginal Peoples Act, 1954. But these provisions need to be considered in their historical context. They were introduced when the British colonial government was dealing with communist insurgency. Apart from the legislative movements, there ha ve been certain decisions given by the court that have taken a step forward in the direction of recognizing the legal rights of the aboriginal people of Malaysia. While giving these decisions, the courts also considered the position in other jurisdictions like Australia and Canada. There are international conventions like the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People that those who work for ensuring the legal rights of the aboriginal people. Introduction: The rights of the aboriginal people are inadequately protected in all the states of the world, if at all by the formal legal systems of these countries. While tremendous development is made in the field of modernization and globalization, increasingly the indigenous people are being pushed out of their ancestral lands as the states continue to acquire indigenous land for the purpose of development activities. In case of Malaysia, the term 'Orang Asli' is used to refer the diverse variety of indigenous people were living in peninsular Malaysia. The cultures and societies of these people are closely associated with their ancestral lands. But they have become the victims of a large number of development projects initiated by the government of Malaysia, which encroach on their ancestral lands (Crawford, 2001). Under these circumstances, an attempt has been made in the present research work to evaluate the position of aboriginals and the native people in Malaysia under domes tic law and also the international conventions to which Malaysia is a party. The Orang Asli: It has been claimed that under the modern Malaysian state, the Orang Asli have been politically marginalized, and it could not adequately protect the legal rights of these people. However, the groundbreaking decision given in Sagong Tasi and Ors v Kerajaan Negeri Selangor and Ors (2002), the rights of these people were recognized by the High Court and it was also mentioned that the government of Malaysia had certain obligations and duties towards these people. Before this decision, the government of Malaysia considered the Orang Asli only as the tenants on their ancestral land, who did not have any title to the land and which formerly belonged to the government of Malaysia. Under such circumstances, the rights of Orang Asli were susceptible to revocation by government at any time. In fact, this position was advanced in the court by the State government of Selangor in the above-mentioned case also (Bernama News Agency, 2003). However, this argument of the State governm ent was dismissed by the court and be recognized that the Orang Asli had a native title under the common law. The Orang Asli is less than 0.5% of the multi-cultural and multi-ethnic society of Malaysia. The term Orang Asli had been used for the first time by the colonial British government in Malaysia. The meaning of this term is the 'original people' in Bahasa Malaysia, the native tongue of the Malays. It is also worth mentioning that the land rights of Orang Asli have not been formally codified by the law in Malaysia. On the other hand, these rights have either been ignored or eroded by the federal laws. For example, the National Land Code, 1965 completely denies the presence of the land rights of Orang Asli under the former legal system. This code has been derived from the Torrens land registration system of Australia and provides that all the land is owned by the Malaysian state. The individuals have private land interests only after they are registered in the land registry. On the other hand, the land belonging to Orang Asli had been passed down traditionally from generation to generati on. Therefore it follows beyond the land registration system of Malaysia and hence it technically belongs to the Malaysian State (Kingsbury, 2001 p89). At the same time, the land acquisition act also provides that the government of Malaysia may acquire land. At any time, which includes the land that is occupied under customary right for the objectives mentioned in the Act. Article 3, Land Acquisition Act has been widely interpreted by the courts in Malaysia. The government is not required to specify the exact purpose for which the acquired land is going to be used. The declaration made by the government that the land is going to be acquired for a public purpose can be challenged only due to the reason that the government as either active mala fide or gone beyond its statutory authority and it is worth mentioning that both these grounds are difficult to prove (Nicholas, 2000). Aboriginal People's Act: The recognition of the statutory legal rights of the Orang Asli have been mentioned in the Aboriginal People's Act, 1954. However, these provisions have to be understood in their historical context. This legislation had been enacted by the Colonial Government when it had to deal with the communist insurgency during the pre-independence Malaya. The government was aware of the fact that Orang Asli communities with providing food, intelligence and other support to the Communist insurgents (Yap, 2002)). Some persons from these communities had even joined the Communists and taken up arms against the British. Therefore, with a view to win over the support of Orang Asli, the Department of Aborigines was established by the government (Williams-Hunt, 1995). Similarly, it also established 'jungle forts' with a view to providing health education and welfare to Orang Asli. The Aboriginal People's Act provides the power to the Minister to declare some parts of land has be en protecting the aboriginal reserves. But it is worth mentioning at this point that under the Aboriginal People's Act, Orang Asli are not treated as the legal owners of these reserved areas (Anaya, 1987). Similarly, they does not provide for the payment of compensation by the government of Malaysia in case these reserves are acquired. Hence, while Section 10 of this legislation provides that the government of Malaysia shall and must provide compensation in case of acquiring the crops of Orang Asli, it has only been mentioned in section 11 that compensation 'may' be provided by the authorities for acquiring reserves or areas of the aboriginals (Wiessner, 1999 p58). Therefore, a degree of discretion has been provided to the authorities in this regard. Recent Decisions: The recent decisions given by the Malaysian courts have also tried to provide a formal legal recognition to the rights enjoyed by the Orang Asli within the legal system in which these rides were excluded till now. For example, it was stated by the Johore High Court in Adong Bin Kuwau and Ors v Kerajaan Negeri Johor and Anor (1997) that the native land rights of Orang Asli can be recognized under the common law. For arriving at this conclusion, the court had considered the decisions coming from several other common law countries like Australia and Canada where a formal registration system for land law is followed as is the case with Malaysia. The court further stated that the rights of Orang Asli, have to be decided, keeping in view the traditions of the indigenous people. For this purpose, the court cited the landmark decision given in Mabo. Another groundbreaking decision was given by the Selangor High Court in Sagong Tasi and Ors v Kerajaan Negeri Selangor and Ors (2002). It was held that the native title of Orang Asli to the ancestral lands existed under the common law. International Conventions: Malaysia had voted for the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People (UNDRIP) and it is also endorsed the outcome document from the World Conference on Indigenous People. However, it has not ratified the ILO Convention 169. The ILO Convention 169 requires the nations to recognize the specific cultural and economic rights of indigenous people. Similarly, also requires them to undertake special measures to deal with marginalized and vulnerable groups. However, only 22 nations have ratified this convention, although there are much more constitutions across the world, which provides a special status to the aboriginal people of different extents and with different implications. In this regard, there are three major international instruments focusing on the rights of aboriginals (Stavenhagen, 2002). These are the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People (UNDRIP) and the two ILO Conventions Nos 160 and 107. It is worth mentioning that the provisions mentioned in UNDRIP and the ILO Convention 169 are compatible with each other and mutually reinforcing. UNDRIP has resulted in bringing a remarkable universal change in the protection that is provided to the aboriginal people throughout the world. The UN General Assembly adopted this declaration in 2007. It was passed by 143 states that have voted in favor of the declaration. Conclusion: Malaysia was one of these states that have voted in favor of UNDRIP. Although in the form of a declaration, it is not legally binding per se, but a declaration can be treated as binding to the level that it becomes a part of customary international law, through confirming safe practice and also opinion juris. Customary law can be demonstrated by providing evidence regarding the presence of a general practice that is accepted as law (Ellickson, 1993). In the end, it can be said that still most of the Orang Asli are not aware of their legal rights that have been mentioned in the context of law. Similarly, most of them are not familiar with the process of seeking justice in the present legal system. Therefore they rely on the interpreters of law - lawyers, judges, JHEOA officials and symbols like the actors who need to help them with their everyday struggles. References Anaya, J. (1987) The Capacity of International Law to Advance Ethnic or Minority Claims, Iowa Law Review 75, pp 843 Bernama News Agency (2003) Suhakam Report on Orang Asli Basic Rights Ready Next Week, 15 December 2003 Crawford, J. (2001) The Right to Self-determination in International Law, in Alston, Phillip (eds) Peoples Rights (Oxford: Oxford University Press). Ellickson, R. C (1993) Property in Land, Yale Law Journal 102, p 1315 Kingsbury , B. (2001) Reconciling Five Competing Conceptual Structures of Indigenous Peoples Claims in International and Comparative Law, New York University Journal of International Law and Politics 34, p 89 Nicholas, C. (2000) The Orang Asli and the Contest for Resources: Indigenous Politics, Development and Identity in Peninsula Malaysia, Copenhagen: International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs. Stavenhagen, R. (2002) Report of the Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms of Indigenous Peoples, E/CN.4/2002/97, 4 February 2002, pp 12 Wiessner, S. (1999) Rights and Status of Indigenous Peoples: A Global Comparative and International Analysis, Harvard Human Rights Journal 17, pp 58 126 Yap M. C. (2002) For a Voice the Orang Asli can call their own, Malaysiakini, 312 August 2002. Available at:https://www.malaysiakini.com Williams-Hunt, A. 1995 Land conflicts; Orang Asli ancestral laws and state policies, in: R. Razha (ed.), Indigenous minorities of Peninsular Malaysia; Selected issues and ethnographies, pp. 36-47. Kuala Lumpur: INAS Adong Bin Kuwau and Ors v Kerajaan Negeri Johor and Anor [1997] 1 MLJ 418 Sagong Tasi and Ors v Kerajaan Negeri Selangor and Ors [2002] 2 CLJ 543 Mabo v. Queensland (1992) 175 CLR 1 Kerajaan Negeri Johor Anor v. Adong Kuwau Ors, 2 MLJ 158 (1998